National Transformation
Delimitation Woes: Can India balance Democracy and Representation in the Next Delimitation Exercise?
Since the establishment of the Delimitation Commission in 1952, the exercise of redrawing electoral boundaries continues to remain a matter of debate in the Indian Constitution. In a country as diverse and populous as India, delimitation is not merely limited to redrawing the boundaries
11 July 2025
TL;DR
To begin with — what exactly is delimitation? Under Articles 82, the Constitution gave Parliament the power to create a body for adjusting constituencies, which led to the formation of the Delimitation Commission. According to the Election Commission of India, delimitation is the process of fixing the boundaries of constituencies in a country or state that has a government or legislature, carried out by a Delimitation Commission or a Boundary Commission. The Delimitation Commission holds absolute power to delimit constituencies (but not freeze, as this power lies with the Constitution) in India, and its decisions remain unquestionable by any political party or government (Election Commission of India, n.d.).
Table of Contents
Democracy and Representation
Since the establishment of the Delimitation Commission in 1952, the exercise of redrawing electoral boundaries continues to remain a matter of debate in the Indian Constitution. In a country as diverse and populous as India, delimitation is not merely limited to redrawing the boundaries of a constituency but a battle of democracy, formal equality, and fair representation. To begin with — what exactly is delimitation? Under Articles 82, the Constitution gave Parliament the power to create a body for adjusting constituencies, which led to the formation of the Delimitation Commission. According to the Election Commission of India, delimitation is the process of fixing the boundaries of constituencies in a country or state that has a government or legislature, carried out by a Delimitation Commission or a Boundary Commission. The Delimitation Commission holds absolute power to delimit constituencies (but not freeze, as this power lies with the Constitution) in India, and its decisions remain unquestionable by any political party or government (Election Commission of India, n.d.).
Tracing the history of the Delimitation Commission, the first commission was set up in 1952, followed by commissions in 1963, 1973, and 2002. The 42nd Amendment Act, 1976, froze seat allocation until 2001, and later, the 84th Amendment Act, 2002, extended the freeze till after the 2026 Census. This allowed redrawing of boundaries within the states using the 2001 Census, but no change in the total seats of Lok Sabha and State Assemblies continues. Based on the third delimitation exercise in 1973, Lok Sabha has 543 seats and State Assemblies have 3,997 seats (fixed in 1975) (Aditi, Singh and Ashesh, 2020), which remains unchanged till date.
Since we are close to 2026, discussions around delimitation and the first census after the freeze was implemented are round the corner.
Contemporary Issues Surrounding India’s First Delimitation Post-2001 Census
The first delimitation exercise post-2001 census is on the government’s action list. Ongoing discussions about the “how”, “when” and “why” of the delimitation are underway. But before touching upon the current scenario, let’s first understand the exisiting challenges of delimitation in India.
Verma (2006), in his article Delimitation in India: Methodological Issues, argues extensively on key methodological issues India has faced with delimitation — choosing the best methods for fair allocation of seats among states, avoiding gerrymandering, and balancing constituency population. Moreover, he believes that delimitation is a complex exercise and India needs to identify the most suitable methods that can allow fair, transparent, and rational delimitation, to avoid creating unequal electorates, as in the case of Delhi. In Delhi, Chandni Chowk has 3.76 lakh voters and Outer Delhi has 31 lakh voters, a huge difference in the representation of both regions. Not only that, accommodating SC/ST reservation in allocating seats is another key challenge to avoid disparities among states.
Current Scenario
As India braces for its long-delayed delimitation exercise in 2026, what’s at stake is not just political representation– but also balance of power between north and south, rural and urban, men and women and democracy and demography.
A significant challenge in the upcoming delimitation is to addressing the debates on the North-South seats allocation. A.P. CM N. Chandrababu Naidu calls for a proportionate increase in seats, after freezing the number of seats first, as seat allocation based on population size would ignore the efforts made by southern governments in controlling population, reducing their representation in the Lok Sabha compared to northern states. He recommends intra-state reallocation of seats based on population as an option, but not between states (Singh, 2025).
Tamil Nadu’s CM Stalin believes that delimitation unfairly shifts more power to North Indian states like Uttar Pradesh, which already dominate politics. Southern states like Tamil Nadu and Kerala controlled their populations well, and it would be unfair if they lost political power in delimitation. Stalin argues that just using total population is not fair, as many in North India are under 18 and cannot vote; counting only voters seems illogical, as the difference between states is smaller. Southern states have higher voter turnout, and cutting their seat count could be unjust and unfair. In fact, the current voting system (first-past-the-post (FPTP)) already gives more power to bigger parties, like BJP. So, delimitation solely on population criteria seems to increase unfairness rather than fix it (Steuwer, 2025).
Whereas if we look on the other side, Rashtriya Lok Morcha (RLM) in Bihar supports population-based reallocation of seats and demands increased seats for northern states, without cutting the seats of southern states. They believe states like Bihar and UP are losing political representation, as the seats (including SC/STs) are allocated based on 1971 census data, not the current population (Chaurasia, 2025).
Home Minister Amit Shah has stated that the reallocation of seats will be done on a ‘pro-rata basis’—that is, proportionately—and that no state will lose seats. However, his statement does not clarify whether this proportionate increase will be based on the existing share of seats or on projected population figures (Rangarajan, 2025). If the current number of seats in the Lok Sabha (i.e., 543) remains unchanged and the redistribution is carried out proportionately, there would be huge gains for some states and loss for others, causing significant concern and distress among these states. But if the number of seats is increased to 848 based on the 2026 projections, no state would lose any seat. Instead, there would be a significant net gain for states like Uttar Pradesh (63 seats), Bihar (39), Rajasthan (25), and Madhya Pradesh (23). However, states like Karnataka and Punjab would see only marginal gains of 13 and 5 seats respectively, raising concerns about growing disparities and perceived loss of proportional representation for these states (Vaishnav and Hintson, 2019).
Finding a Way Forward
Anjishnu Das, in his article Delimitation debate: Amid populous North vs lean South, there are alternatives, suggests using fertility rates for seat allocation, factoring degressive proportionality, dividing larger states, and reforming the Rajya Sabha as possible alternatives for a fair delimitation (Das, 2025). Sanjeer Alam in his article Two possible ways to solve India’s delimitation deadlock, has proposed two solutions which can solve the delimitation impasse are: keeping the current number of seats for more years or increasing the total number of seats so that no state loses. However, this may only solve the problem temporarily and may not fully fix the unfairness in how seats are shared between states (Alam, 2025). Given the long freeze and ongoing debates in the country, it is difficult to predict what the upcoming delimitation will look like, however, Verma (2006), in his paper Delimitation in India: Methodological Issues, suggests that to ensure a neutral and fair exercise, academicians, political scientists, and psephologists should be considered important stakeholders for consultation in the delimitation process, discouraging political parties from pursuing gerrymandering or religious- and caste-based political agendas (Verma, 2006).
As India prepares for the long-due delimitation exercise, the real concern is not just limited to the re-drawing of the electoral maps, but to also ensure it upholds the “one person, one vote, one value” principle for the generations to come. How? Well, It might seem a bit complex at this point, but with due consultation of all the stakeholders, holding constitutional values above politics, it’s a challenge India must rise and rise together.
References
Aditi, Vikrant Singh and Aman Ashesh, Redrawing the Electoral Boundaries: Debunking the Doxas of Delimitation, Samanvaya Research Series, vol. 1 (Pranab Mukherjee Foundation,
2020), available at: https://pure.jgu.edu.in/id/eprint/1361/1/Aditi2020.pdf [accessed 11 June 2025].
Alam, S., ‘Two Possible Ways to Solve India’s Delimitation Deadlock’, The Indian Express, 6 March 2025, https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/two-possible-ways-solve-india-delimitation-d eadlock-9872442/ [accessed 9 June 2025].
Chaurasia, M., ‘RLM Demands Delimitation Based on Population’, The Times of India, 28 April 2025, https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/patna/rlm-demands-delimitation-based-on-population/art icleshow/120703620.cms [accessed 8 June 2025].
Das, A., ‘Amid Populous North vs Leaner South Delimitation Debate, What Are the Alternatives?’, The Indian Express, 18 March 2025, https://indianexpress.com/article/political-pulse/amid-populous-north-vs-leaner-south-delimitatio n-debate-what-are-the-alternatives-9892753/ [accessed 9 June 2025].
Election Commission of India, Delimitation, no date, retrieved 9 June 2025, https://www.eci.gov.in/delimitation.
Kumar, B. V., ‘Following Just the Population Rule for Delimitation Will Defeat India’s Spirit of Federalism’, The Indian Express, 26 March 2025, https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/population-rule-delimitation-defeat-india-spiri t-federalism-9906803/ [accessed 10 June 2025].
Singh, D. K. , ‘“Freeze Seats or Increase Proportionately”: Andhra CM Naidu Limits Modi Govt’s Delimitation Options’, The Print, 8 June 2025, https://theprint.in/politics/freeze-seats-or-increase-proportionately-andhra-cm-naidu-limits-modi- govts-delimitation-options/2650887/ [accessed 9 June 2025].
Sharma, R., ‘Delimitation and Giving Greater Voice to Urban India’, ORF, 18 September 2024, https://www.orfonline.org/expert-speak/delimitation-and-giving-greater-voice-to-urban-india [accessed 9 June 2025].
Steuwer, B., ‘The Key Argument Against Delimitation Shouldn’t Be Population Policy but the “One Person, One Vote” Principle’, The Indian Express,16 April 2025, https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/delimitation-population-policy-one-person-on e-vote-principle-9947344/ [accessed 7 June 2025].
Vaishnav, M and Hintson, J, India’s Emerging Crisis of Representation, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 14 Mar 2019, https://carnegieendowment.org/research/2019/03/indias-emerging-crisis-of-representation?lang= en [accessed 10 June 2025].
Verma, A. K., ‘Delimitation in India: Methodological Issues’, Economic and Political Weekly, vol. 41, no. 9, 2006, pp. 794–799, http://www.jstor.org/stable/4417903 [accessed 7 June 2025].
Rangarajan, R., ‘What are the issues around delimitation? | Explained’, The Hindu, 6 March 2025, available at: https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/what-are-the-issues-around-delimitation-explained/arti cle69291494.ece [accessed 11 June 2025].






